Jean-Claude Escalante’s From Indentureship to Entrepreneurship is an extraordinary exploration of the Indo-Trinidadian community’s journey from humble indentured laborers to influential figures in the arenas of academia, commerce, and industry. Escalante skillfully dismantles common assumptions that attribute Indo-Trinidadian success solely to preferential colonial policies, instead presenting a nuanced analysis that emphasizes the community’s resilience, cultural values, and adaptability in overcoming significant social and economic obstacles.
The Context of Indentureship and Early Struggles
Escalante begins by detailing the socio-historical context of Indian indentured labor in Trinidad, with the migration of approximately 143,939 Indians between 1845 and 1917. Contrary to the view that their status was elevated by colonial policies, Escalante illustrates that Indo-Trinidadians arrived under strenuous conditions and faced widespread contempt. Both black Trinidadians and the white planter elite viewed them as culturally inferior. One contemporary writer depicted them as “naturally dissolute, and depraved in their habits, if left to themselves.” This deep-seated contempt left Indo-Trinidadians socially isolated and wary of forming alliances with local populations, who they feared would dilute their cultural values.
Escalante refutes the notion that colonial policies—such as land grants—provided an easy pathway to success. While some claim that such policies were advantageous, he explains that fewer than 3,000 Indians accepted land grants, largely due to dissatisfaction with the quality of the land offered. Many returned the land or left it uncultivated. Further, comparing their agricultural growth to that of West Indians, Escalante points out that in 1899, there were 2,862 Indo-Trinidadian farmers compared to 3,870 West Indian farmers. However, by 1908, both groups registered similar growth rates, with Indo-Trinidadians reaching 5,922 and West Indians 6,619 farmers, but the statistics continued to reflect Indo-Trinidadians as relatively underperforming, especially in terms of literacy rates and economic standing.
Escalante moves on to describe a significant cultural transformation in the Indo-Trinidadian community’s approach to education. Initially, the community exhibited strong resistance to Western schooling, fearing cultural assimilation and discrimination. As a result, by the 1940s, the illiteracy rate among Indo-Trinidadians stood at 50 percent, compared to 9 percent among blacks and 4 percent among whites. Black Trinidadians, in contrast, saw education as an instrument of social mobility and encouraged their children to pursue it. Children of cocoa workers were often able to attend college by the late 19th century, filling key roles in the civil service.
However, Indo-Trinidadian attitudes toward education shifted, leading to remarkable academic achievements within a single generation. Institutions such as Naparima College and Naparima Girls’ High School, established in 1900, quickly rose in prominence and became celebrated for their academic rigor. Between 2015 and 2019, Lakshmi Girls’ High School, another prestigious Indo-Trinidadian institution, saw its students consistently awarded the President’s Medal for top performance in the Caribbean Advanced Proficiency Examination (CAPE). Escalante draws parallels between these successes and similar achievements by communities worldwide that place strong cultural emphasis on education, such as Indo-Fijians and Asian-Americans.
One of the book’s strengths is Escalante’s skillful use of global examples to highlight the broader patterns in education and achievement among minority groups. For instance, Escalante compares the educational and social ascent of Indo-Trinidadians with German students in Romania during the 19th century, where Germans outnumbered Romanian students at Czernowitz University, and with Russian students in Estonia. He notes that the academic gap between Indo-Fijians and native Fijians mirrors that between Indo-Trinidadians and black Trinidadians, with cultural factors—such as Indo-Fijians’ strong parental involvement—cited as explanations for these disparities.
Escalante effectively addresses criticism that academic success among Indo-Trinidadians is due to an education system that disadvantages black students. One Afro-Trinidadian professor claims that the purpose of the Secondary Entrance Assessment (SEA) is “to determine who goes to schools of high quality and the devil take [sic] the black children.” However, Escalante counters that group differences in academic achievement are common and often reflect cultural priorities rather than systemic discrimination. Chinese pupils in Hong Kong, for example, outperformed Scottish and Indian children, as well as English children in Hong Kong on various cognitive tests. Rather than genetic explanations, he credits community leadership and a strong cultural emphasis on education as driving forces behind Indo-Trinidadian success. Yet, he elaborated that the cultural importance of parental involvement is over-hyped, since—according to an important study—nearly 50 percent of Asian-American students noted that their parents express limited interest in their homework.
Beyond academia, Escalante explores the Indo-Trinidadian rise in commerce, situating their experience within a broader context of “middleman minorities.” Like the Chinese in Southeast Asia, the Lebanese in West Africa, and the Jewish communities of Europe, Indo-Trinidadians have excelled in commerce, displaying a work ethic and future-oriented outlook that has helped them establish a foothold in critical sectors of the economy. In comparing them with the Chinese, Escalante references a 2007 study showing that, despite being a minority, the Chinese controlled a large percentage of market capital in the Philippines through their dominance in numerous industries.
A particularly illustrative example of the business acumen of Indo-Trinidadians comes from the Bahadoorsingh family, who adopted strict savings practices that reinforced values of thrift and financial prudence. In this family, Jang Bahadoorsingh’s mother acted as the “minister of finance,” managing her children’s daily earnings and deciding on an allocation between spending and saving. This example underscores Escalante’s argument that these values of thrift and careful financial management were crucial to Indo-Trinidadian success, forming the foundation of many family-run businesses that would later thrive in Trinidad’s economy.
Escalante delves into how “middleman minorities” often adapt to and navigate discriminatory policies in their host countries, sharing anecdotes from around the world. In Southeast Asia, Chinese entrepreneurs collaborated with local partners to bypass anti-Chinese laws by creating “Ali Baba” companies, where locals served as the nominal owners of enterprises owned by the Chinese. Such alliances highlight the economic interdependence that often forms between middleman minorities and host populations, with economic contributions ultimately leading to a repeal of discriminatory measures.
In one particularly compelling example, Escalante discusses the impact of Uganda’s 1973 decision to expel Indian minorities, which had dire consequences for the economy. By the following decade, the government was forced to reverse the policy, inviting Indians to return and help revitalize the economy. Such examples resonate with the Indo-Trinidadian experience, where cultural resilience and adaptability have allowed them to maintain economic relevance despite historical discrimination and underrepresentation in civil service roles.
From Indentureship to Entrepreneurship is a thoroughly-researched and insightful account of Indo-Trinidadian progress in Trinidadian society. Escalante’s analysis combines socio-historical data with a deep understanding of cultural dynamics, making it a valuable contribution to Caribbean studies, ethnic studies, and migration history. The examples of Germans in Romania, the industrious Chinese in the Philippines, and the unique strategies of Indo-Fijians in education all contribute to a broader understanding of how marginalized communities use cultural capital to achieve upward mobility.
Escalante’s work challenges reductive narratives that credit Indo-Trinidadian success solely to policy advantages. Instead, he highlights the community’s perseverance, cultural values, and leadership as key to their evolution from an underclass to a driving force in Trinidad’s economy and academia. His discussion of middleman minorities situates Indo-Trinidadians within a global context, shedding light on how minority communities worldwide leverage adaptability, hard work, and thrift to succeed in the face of adversity.
In sum, Escalante’s book is an inspiring testament to the strength of culture, leadership, and community resilience. It provides readers with both a detailed history and a sociological analysis that underscores the power of cultural commitment to education and economic enterprise. For anyone interested in understanding the dynamics of social mobility and the Indo-Trinidadian experience, From Indentureship to Entrepreneurship is an essential and enlightening read.
