Incitement Is Not a Real Crime
Laws against incitement—much like defamation laws—are direct attacks on basic human rights and the freedom of speech. Both place nonviolent people in legal jeopardy merely for the "crime" of expressing opinions.
Laws against incitement—much like defamation laws—are direct attacks on basic human rights and the freedom of speech. Both place nonviolent people in legal jeopardy merely for the "crime" of expressing opinions.
President Joe Biden has vowed to put a “quick end” to the Trump administration’s Title IX regulations and return to Obama-era ones at universities. If this happens, there will be no due process for those accused of sexual misconduct.
Laws against incitement—much like defamation laws—are direct attacks on basic human rights and the freedom of speech. Both place nonviolent people in legal jeopardy merely for the "crime" of expressing opinions.
With the Capitol riots, Biden has his 9/11. Now come the legal assaults against Americans.
The Nuremberg prosecutors wanted to indict the Nazis on trial for crimes, but at the same time they wanted to preserve the dogma that the modern European nation-state is the culmination of moral progress. This created a conundrum.
The Nuremberg prosecutors wanted to indict the Nazis on trial for crimes, but at the same time they wanted to preserve the dogma that the modern European nation-state is the culmination of moral progress. This created a conundrum.
Rothbard’s principal conclusion that libel and slander laws have no place in libertarian law is correct. But how does a reputational right operate? Who, properly, owns such a right? Is this property right alienable—transferable, and how would this work in practice?
What is the correct analysis, from a libertarian point of view, of governmental action in the face of the coronavirus? Is the state justified in imposing quarantines or vaccines to cure this disease?
Agents have rights to stop those who are violating their rights and to rectification when their rights are violated. But in pursuing these rights, agents may also have an obligation to inform others of the extent to which they are prepared to go in enforcing these rights.
This paper recounts the history of food inspection from a voluntaryist perspective. In England and the United States, the efforts to achieve food safety have relied upon two main methods: education and legislation. Governments did nothing that could not be done on the free market.